{"id":971,"date":"2022-11-25T13:05:06","date_gmt":"2022-11-25T10:05:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.kjkonline.net\/tr\/?p=971"},"modified":"2022-11-25T13:24:23","modified_gmt":"2022-11-25T10:24:23","slug":"21-yuzyili-kadin-devrim-cagina-donusturmek-icin-onermemiz","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.kjkonline.net\/tr\/nivis\/971","title":{"rendered":"21.Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 Kad\u0131n Devrim \u00c7a\u011f\u0131na D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek \u0130\u00e7in \u00d6nermemiz;"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

D\u00fcnya Demokratik Kad\u0131n Konfederalizmi<\/strong>
Tarihsel bir s\u00fcrecin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7mekteyiz. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 tarihsel k\u0131lan, i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fim
potansiyelidir. Ya\u015fam\u0131n bir\u00e7ok alan\u0131nda, toplumdan siyasete, ekonomiden ekolojiye kadar ciddi alt\u00fcst
olu\u015flar s\u00f6z konusudur. Hareketlili\u011fin oldu\u011fu yerde de\u011fi\u015fim de meydana gelir. Fakat bu de\u011fi\u015fimin
kimden yana olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Kapitalist Modernite\u2019nin mi Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin mi bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten
g\u00fc\u00e7lenerek \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyecek olan kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi ve ekoloji
m\u00fccadelesi ve onun \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyi olacakt\u0131r. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011fa tarihsel moment potansiyelini
veren ger\u00e7ek o nedenle en \u00e7ok biz kad\u0131nlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yak\u0131c\u0131 ve bir o kadar da f\u0131rsat dolu olmaktad\u0131r.
\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc belki de tarihte ilk kez kad\u0131n devrimini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmenin ko\u015fullar\u0131 bu kadar olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Ancak 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 kad\u0131n devrim \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek mevcut \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve m\u00fccadele d\u00fczeyi ile zor
g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc hen\u00fcz b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir m\u00fccadele ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f de\u011filiz. Hem \u00fclkeler
ve b\u00f6lgeler hem de d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda kad\u0131n hareketleri aras\u0131nda hala ciddi bir kopukluk ve par\u00e7al\u0131l\u0131k var.
Bunun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli olan, kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilece\u011fi demokratik sistem in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erkek egemen sistem ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorunu<\/strong>
\u0130ktidar, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, bask\u0131 ve egemenlik; bunlar bize \u00e7o\u011fu zaman do\u011fal ve ebedi olgularm\u0131\u015f gibi
yutturulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u2018B\u00f6yle gelmi\u015f b\u00f6yle gider\u2019 dercesine. E\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmek
faydas\u0131zm\u0131\u015f, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeni a\u015f\u0131lamazm\u0131\u015f, erkek egemenli\u011fi ve kapitalizmden \u00f6ncesi ve \u00f6tesi
yokmu\u015f, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011filmi\u015f gibi. Oysa onlar \u00e7a\u011flar boyu bilge kad\u0131nlar\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131mdan ge\u00e7irerek haf\u0131zam\u0131z\u0131
yok etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f olsalar da erkek egemenli\u011finden \u00f6ncesinin oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. At ba\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen
patriarka, devlet ve uygarl\u0131ktan \u00f6nce insanl\u0131k binlerce y\u0131l boyu do\u011fal toplum formunda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Yukar\u0131 Mezopotamya\u2019da yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak M.\u00d6. 10 bin y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan Neolitik Devrim, \u00f6z\u00fcnde bir
kad\u0131n devrimidir. \u0130nsan topluluklar\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde tar\u0131ma dayal\u0131 olarak yerle\u015fik hayata
ge\u00e7mesi, toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n bir b\u00fct\u00fcnen yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yor. Farkl\u0131
co\u011frafyalarda farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f olan Neolitik toplum ana soylu olmakla birlikte hen\u00fcz iktidar
ve egemenli\u011fin kurumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imlerinden uzakt\u0131. O nedenle bu toplumun anaerkil olarak
isimlendirilmesi yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bundan ziyade kad\u0131n, toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesinde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131
\u00f6nc\u00fc rol gere\u011fi, yine do\u011fan\u0131n gizemini ve ya\u015fam\u0131n muhte\u015femli\u011fini kendi bedeninde temsil etmesi
nedeniyle b\u00fcy\u00fck sayg\u0131 ve sevgi g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Ba\u015fta Neolitik devrimi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f kad\u0131n\u0131 simgeleyen tanr\u0131\u00e7a
heykelleri olmak \u00fczere bu d\u00f6nemden kalan arkeolojik eserler bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi kan\u0131tlar gibidir. Elbette ki bir
b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ve kesin bir dille o d\u00f6nemki toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131 bilemeyiz ancak son 100 y\u0131lda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen
matriarka ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n, yine tarih \u00f6ncesini ayd\u0131nlatan arkeolojik ve antropolojik ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n
ortaya koydu\u011fu temel bir ger\u00e7ek var: \u00d6mr\u00fc 5 bin y\u0131l olan erkek egemenli\u011finden \u00f6nce, \u00e7ok daha uzun
bir s\u00fcre ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f olan ana soylu do\u011fal toplumlarda kurumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir egemenlik, iktidar ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc
olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi ve ekolojik ya\u015fam bir d\u00fc\u015f veya temenni olarak de\u011fil hakikat olarak
var olagelmi\u015ftir.
El Ubeyd k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 M.\u00d6. 5000-4000\u2019lerden itibaren binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k do\u011fal toplum ya\u015fam
formu bozulmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu bozulma kendili\u011finden de\u011fil, kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde yarat\u0131lan toplumsal
de\u011ferlerin kurnaz erkeklerce gasp edilmesi sonucu meydana geldi. G\u00fcney Mezopotamya\u2019daki
S\u00fcmer\u2019de ba\u015flamak \u00fczere giderek her yere yay\u0131lan devlet uygarl\u0131klar\u0131 ile birlikte erkek egemenli\u011fi de
kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131. D\u00f6nemin mitolojik hikayeleri, ana tanr\u0131\u00e7alarla tanr\u0131-krallar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eki\u015fmeler
\u00fczerinden anasoylu do\u011fal toplumdan atasoylu ve ataerkil uygar toplumuna ge\u00e7i\u015fi g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne
seriyor.
Kad\u0131n sorunu, en eski toplumsal sorun olup egemen sistem i\u00e7indeki temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi te\u015fkil ediyor. Bir
nevi, b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n anas\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131n, toplumsal varl\u0131k olarak tarihteki ilk k\u00f6le, ilk s\u0131n\u0131f, ilk s\u00f6m\u00fcrgedir.
Hi\u00e7bir soy, s\u0131n\u0131f veya ulus kad\u0131nl\u0131k kadar sistemli bir k\u00f6leli\u011fe tabi tutulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kad\u0131n\u0131n
k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmesiyle birlikte cins ayr\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6zetmeyen toplumsal sorunlar a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ildi. M\u00fclkiyetin
kayna\u011f\u0131nda k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmi\u015f kad\u0131n yat\u0131yor. K\u00f6lelik ve m\u00fclkiyet kad\u0131n \u00fczerinden b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal
zeminlere yay\u0131l\u0131rken, toplum ve bireyin zihniyet ve davran\u0131\u015f yap\u0131s\u0131na da m\u00fclkiyet\u00e7i ve k\u00f6leci duygu ve
d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler yerle\u015ftirildi. Toplum b\u00f6ylece her t\u00fcr hiyerar\u015fik ve devlet\u00e7i yap\u0131lanmaya uygun hale getirildi.
Kaybeden sadece kad\u0131n olmad\u0131. Bir avu\u00e7 hiyerar\u015fik ve devlet\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn toplum kaybetti.
Toplumda hiyerar\u015fi ve s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015fma i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7erken, neredeyse her toplumsal alana cinsiyet\u00e7ilik ve
s\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu. Giderek sorunlu toplumlar d\u00f6nemine ge\u00e7ilirken, toplumdan topluma bask\u0131
ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc olgusu geli\u015fti. Kent, s\u0131n\u0131f ve devletin geli\u015fmesiyle beraber olu\u015fan uygarl\u0131klar sorunlar\u0131
evrenselle\u015ftirdi, sistem haline getirdi. T\u00fcm ilk ve orta\u00e7a\u011flardaki uygarl\u0131k sistemlerini esasen bask\u0131 ve
s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Kapitalist modernite ise son uygarl\u0131k sistemi olarak bask\u0131
ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc azamile\u015ftirdi. Devletli uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u015famalar\u0131nda, \u00f6zelde ise kapitalist modernite
a\u015famas\u0131nda toplumsal sorunlar krizlere ve uzun s\u00fcreli kaotik ortamlara yol a\u00e7t\u0131. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, \u00f6zellikle
1970\u2019lerden itibaren kapitalist moderniteye damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran finans kapital s\u00fcreci ise toplumsal
krizlerin en derinlikli ve s\u00fcrekli ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f olmaktad\u0131r.
Kapitalist modernitenin krizli halinin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kendini en \u00e7ok yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 olgu ise, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fck\u00f6leli\u011fi ikilemidir. Bu durum tesad\u00fcfi olmay\u0131p do\u011frudan kad\u0131n ve etraf\u0131nda olu\u015fan ili\u015fki ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiler
d\u00fczeni ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131n sorunu b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal sorunlar\u0131n k\u00f6k h\u00fccresini olu\u015fturdu\u011fu i\u00e7in,
egemen sistemin en derin ve yap\u0131sal \u00e7eli\u015fki ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal varl\u0131k da kad\u0131n olmaktad\u0131r. O nedenle
b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmlerin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fi, yani \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorununun ger\u00e7ek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme evirilebilece\u011fi yegane alan
da kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu, indirgemeci bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olmay\u0131p, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ile toplum \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc
aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik ili\u015fki derinli\u011fine tahlil edildi\u011finde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bir ger\u00e7ektir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplumsal
\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, adalet ve demokrasi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden her hareket, ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmak istiyorsa kad\u0131n
\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc merkezine almak durumundad\u0131r. 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bu ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck
aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcmesinin esas nedeni, erkek egemenlikli d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini eskiyi de
aratmayacak bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekteki \u0131srar\u0131d\u0131r. Hatta erkek egemenlikli ideoloji ve onun ya\u015fama
yans\u0131t\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131, kad\u0131n sorununu daha da a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc dayat\u0131yor<\/strong>
5 bin y\u0131ll\u0131k ataerkil sistemin ve devletli uygar toplumunun g\u00fcncel ifadesi olan kapitalist modernite
yap\u0131sal bir kriz durumunu ya\u015famaktad\u0131r. Azami k\u00e2r kanununa dayanan kapitalizm, sistem olarak
s\u00fcrekli b\u00fcy\u00fcyerek daha \u00e7ok kazan\u00e7 elde etmeye, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla daha fazla insan ve do\u011fa kayna\u011f\u0131
s\u00f6m\u00fcrmeye ihtiya\u00e7 duyar. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bunu gerektirir. Ancak s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil zira ne
insanlar ne de do\u011fa savunmas\u0131z de\u011fil. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla son 5 bin y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihi salt egemenlerin tarihi olarak
okumak yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir de iktidarc\u0131-devlet\u00e7i sistemin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam\u0131
savunanlar\u0131n direni\u015f tarihi vard\u0131r. Demokratik toplum olarak isimlendirebilece\u011fimiz bu direni\u015f\u00e7ilerin
tarihi ise s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc sistemin ge\u00e7mi\u015finden \u00e7ok daha eskidir. Esas ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z k\u00f6k h\u00fccre budur.
K\u00fcresel kapitalist sistemin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal kriz Ortado\u011fu-Kuzey Afrika b\u00f6lgesine \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc
Payla\u015f\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131 \u015feklinde yans\u0131rken, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131nda da sa\u011fc\u0131 rejimlerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi,
m\u00fccadeleyle kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131lar ve artan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc \u015feklinde
hissedilmektedir. Art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6steren sava\u015flar ve militarizm, antidemokratik rejimler ve fa\u015fist darbeler,
g\u00f6\u00e7ler ve yerinden etme politikalar\u0131, \u00f6l\u00fcmler, iklim felaketleri, do\u011fa katliamlar\u0131, soyk\u0131r\u0131m sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131,
yoksulluk ve \u015fiddet, k\u00fcresel kapitalist sistemin do\u011frudan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn 83 milyona yak\u0131n insan
yerinden-yurdundan edilmi\u015f, m\u00fclteci olarak ya\u015f\u0131yor. Her 6 \u00e7ocuktan biri sava\u015f veya \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma
b\u00f6lgesinde bulunuyor. Salt 2020 y\u0131l\u0131nda en az 135 bin insan sava\u015f ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti.
Her dakikada 30 futbol sahas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki bir ormanl\u0131k alan yok ediliyor. D\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun 10\/1
a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 yoksulluk, yokluk ve a\u00e7l\u0131k i\u00e7inde. Bu rakamlar bile insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde topyekun bir sava\u015f hali
ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya bulundu\u011funu net bir \u015fekilde g\u00f6steriyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla k\u00fcresel kapitalist hegemonya
dedi\u011fimiz d\u00fczen(sizlik), \u00f6z\u00fcnde bir sava\u015f rejimini te\u015fkil ediyor.
Egemen sistemin s\u00fcrekli olarak kriz \u00fcreten ger\u00e7e\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde en \u00e7ok kad\u0131nlar\u0131 vuruyor. Kapitalist
modernite zaten uygarl\u0131k tarihinin kad\u0131n\u0131 en yo\u011fun s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye a\u00e7an a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil ediyor. Ancak
toplumsal cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve kad\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczeyi derinlikli
\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlememiz \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir. Zira erkek egemen sistem, elindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn olanak ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kad\u0131n
d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 temelinde harekete ge\u00e7irmi\u015f bulunuyor. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi Covid-19 pandemisi ile birlikte k\u00fcresel
d\u00fczeyde \u00e7ok net g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Hatta kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddetin kendisinin epidemi d\u00fczeyine ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131
uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar da itiraf ediyor. Resmi rakamlara g\u00f6re 2020 y\u0131l\u0131nda d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda 81 bin kad\u0131n
ve k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu katledildi. Bunun 47 bini yak\u0131n partner veya aile \u00fcyeleri taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Yani her
11 dakikada bir kad\u0131n veya k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu en yak\u0131nlar\u0131 eliyle katlediliyor. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde tahminlere g\u00f6re \u00fc\u00e7
kad\u0131ndan biri [rakamlarla 736 milyon kad\u0131n] hayat\u0131nda en az bir kere e\u015fi veya sevgilisi taraf\u0131ndan
fiziksel ve\/veya cinsel \u015fiddete maruz b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. 2019\u2019da yap\u0131lan bir anketin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re kad\u0131n ve
k\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n (%30-22) ba\u015f\u0131nda cinsel taciz, cinsel \u015fiddet ve fiziki \u015fiddet
geliyor. Cinsel \u015fiddet sava\u015f ve i\u015fgallerde de sistematik bir silah olarak kullan\u0131l\u0131yor, Orta\u00e7a\u011f\u2019\u0131n
bitiminden y\u00fczy\u0131llar sonra kad\u0131nlar ganimet diye ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p k\u00f6le pazarlar\u0131nda sat\u0131l\u0131yor, s\u00fcrekli bir
tecav\u00fcze maruz b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131yor. Kaynaklar\u0131n e\u015fit da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ile a\u00e7l\u0131k tamamen ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilecekken,
milyonlarca insan yoksulluk ve yokluk i\u00e7inde ya\u015f\u0131yor. Yoksulluk konusunda kad\u0131n ile erkek aras\u0131ndaki
makas Covid ile birlikte yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 9 oran\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc, yoksullu\u011fun kad\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi a\u015f\u0131lmak
yerine derinle\u015fiyor.
Bununla birlikte d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131nda kad\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir sald\u0131r\u0131
y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Cinsler aras\u0131 e\u015fitli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131n\u0131 annelik ve e\u015flik rol\u00fcne, yani biyolojik varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na
s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir hareket farkl\u0131 maskeler kullansa da ayn\u0131 arg\u00fcmanlarla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n farkl\u0131
b\u00f6lgelerinde kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. T\u00fcrk devletinin \u0130stanbul S\u00f6zle\u015fmesinden \u00e7ekilmesi, Polonya\u2019n\u0131n buna
niyetlenmesi ve ABD ve Latin Amerika\u2019da din maskeli ak\u0131mlar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131
ayn\u0131 zihniyete dayan\u0131yor. Kapitalist modernitenin temel ideolojileri olan cinsiyet\u00e7ilik, milliyet\u00e7ilik,
dincilik ve bilimcilik bu konuda tam bir uyum i\u00e7inde hareket edip birbirini tamaml\u0131yor.
Madalyan\u0131n bir taraf\u0131 bu. Di\u011fer taraf\u0131nda hem bilin\u00e7 hem de somut m\u00fccadele bak\u0131m\u0131ndan her
zamankinden daha y\u00fcksek bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fan bir kad\u0131n direni\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc
g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz ve bu, erkek egemen sistemini \u00e7ok korkutuyor zira onun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sars\u0131yor. Kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck
ve e\u015fitlik m\u00fccadelesi ilerledik\u00e7e iktidarc\u0131 erkek egemen sistem eksiliyor. Varolu\u015fsal tehditler
ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hisseden erkek egemen sistem bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc kad\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 tam bir sald\u0131r\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor.
Bununla birlikte ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal kriz durumu da kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik daha katmanl\u0131 bir \u015fiddet ve sindirme
politikas\u0131na yol a\u00e7\u0131yor zira kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnde kad\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesine dayan\u0131yor.
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir yandan kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi hem nicel hem nitel a\u00e7\u0131dan b\u00fcy\u00fcy\u00fcp \u00f6nemli
kazan\u0131mlar elde etmeyi ba\u015far\u0131rken, di\u011fer yandan ataerkil zihniyet ve onun sistemi, bu kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n
yok edilmesini ama\u00e7layan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve sistematik bir sald\u0131r\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor, kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltiyor.
Asl\u0131nda kad\u0131n \u015fahs\u0131nda bir b\u00fct\u00fcnen toplumun \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam se\u00e7ene\u011fi yok edilmek isteniyor. Kad\u0131nlar
bug\u00fcn salt kendi haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in aya\u011fa kalkmay\u0131p, ayn\u0131 zamanda demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck i\u00e7in toplumsal
m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor. Bu ger\u00e7ek K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi Sudan\u2019da, Afganistan\u2019da,
Belarus\u2019ta, \u015eili\u2019de ve daha bir\u00e7ok yerde kendini g\u00f6steriyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve e\u015fitlik
m\u00fccadelesini hedef alan sald\u0131r\u0131lar, kad\u0131n\u0131 geleneksel cinsiyet\u00e7i kal\u0131plara t\u0131kamay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan
politikalar, kad\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckselterek kad\u0131n iradesini teslim almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan zihniyetler, ayn\u0131 zamanda 21.y\u00fczy\u0131l toplumsal m\u00fccadelesinin kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yok etmeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor.
G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorununun g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr bir bi\u00e7imde toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerin merkezine
kaymas\u0131 hem simgeselli\u011finden hem de b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131yor. Kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi,
b\u00fct\u00fcn ezilenleri ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenleri kucaklad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden kaynakl\u0131 olarak da en geni\u015f sistem
kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadele cephesini \u00f6rme kabiliyetine sahiptir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi kapsay\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r.
\u00c7evre, demokrasi, adalet, e\u015fitlik, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k m\u00fccadelelerini de i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131p b\u00fct\u00fcnseldir. Ne 19.
y\u00fczy\u0131l burjuva m\u00fccadelesi ne de 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l emek hareketleri 21. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi kadar
kapsay\u0131c\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc olamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fcresel kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi bu niteli\u011fiyle ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131llardaki
b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fccadelelerden daha fazla evrensel bir d\u00fczey yakalama potansiyeline sahiptir. Bununla birlikte
b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmleri kendi b\u00fcnyesinde i\u00e7erdi\u011fi i\u00e7in kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta bir demokrasi,
ekoloji ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketinin do\u011fu\u015funu sa\u011flayabilir. B\u00f6yle bir hareketin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ancak ve ancak
kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi yapabilir. Bunun tarihsel ve yap\u0131sal ko\u015fullar\u0131 do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Hatta b\u00f6ylesi bir
\u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck tarihsel bir misyon olarak kendini d\u00fcnya kad\u0131n hareketlerine dayatmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130htiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz sistem: D\u00fcnya Demokratik Kad\u0131n Konfederalizmi<\/strong>
Yukar\u0131da da ifade etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f tarihsel niteli\u011fe sahiptir. Bu tarihselli\u011fi
birden fazla boyut \u00fczerinden tespit etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Biri, kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyal
m\u00fccadeleleri aras\u0131nda sahip oldu\u011fu merkezi konum ile ilgilidir. Di\u011feri, ataerkil-kapitalist d\u00fcnya
sisteminin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kriz ve kaos durumunun derinle\u015fmesidir. Bir \u00f6teki de kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ataerkil sisteme
ve onun b\u00fct\u00fcn ifadelerine kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fccadelenin ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu d\u00fczeydir. Bunlar, asl\u0131nda
birbiriyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 boyutlar olup kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tarihte belki de hi\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f
olanak ve ko\u015fullar yarat\u0131yor. \u00d6ncelikle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen kad\u0131n yap\u0131lar\u0131 olarak bunun
fark\u0131ndal\u0131\u011f\u0131nda olmam\u0131z \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir.
F\u0131rsatlar kadar kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fumuz tehlikeleri de ciddiyetle ele almam\u0131z gerekiyor. \u015eu konuda
net olal\u0131m: Erkek egemen sistem kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesini tasfiye etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bunun i\u00e7in
\u00e7ok boyutlu sald\u0131r\u0131lar geli\u015ftiriyor. Duruma g\u00f6re bazen \u2018yumu\u015fak\u2019 g\u00fc\u00e7 ara\u00e7lar\u0131 bazen kaba \u015fiddet,
bazen liberal s\u00f6ylemler bazen tehdit ve \u015fantaj, bazen sahte vaatler bazen katliamla kad\u0131nlar\u0131 sindirip
m\u00fccadelemizi etkisizle\u015ftirmeyi ama\u00e7l\u0131yor. Ba\u015fta cinsel \u015fiddet olmak \u00fczere kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddetin ve
kad\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n, kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin y\u00fckseli\u015fine paralel olarak, bu denli art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermesinin anlam\u0131
budur. Bir yandan cinsiyet\u00e7ilik ve ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k ile m\u00fccadelede tarihi \u00f6nemde sonu\u00e7lar elde edilirken,
bizzat devletlerin ba\u015f\u0131ndaki erkeklerin bu kadar rahat ve pervas\u0131zca kad\u0131na dil uzatmalar\u0131n\u0131n nedeni
budur. Kesinlikle aldanmamal\u0131y\u0131z, elde etti\u011fimiz kazan\u0131mlara yan\u0131lg\u0131l\u0131 yakla\u015fmamal\u0131y\u0131z; zira bir
yandan ba\u015far\u0131lar sa\u011flarken di\u011fer yandan bu kazan\u0131mlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 yok etmeyi ama\u00e7layan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131
cephe s\u00f6z konusu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f hi\u00e7bir hakk\u0131n g\u00fcvence alt\u0131nda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bilinciyle
m\u00fccadele kazan\u0131mlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n da \u00f6z savunmas\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmeliyiz. Bu ise ancak daha y\u00fcksek bir
\u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyi ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir.
Bununla birlikte toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck i\u00e7in oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol \u00fczerinden de kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini ele almam\u0131z
gerekiyor. Toplumun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck d\u00fczeyinin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerinden \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n
\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn toplumsal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u015fart\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilen bir ger\u00e7ektir. Ancak bu ger\u00e7e\u011fin
m\u00fccadeledeki somut kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n, egemen sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn ideolojik ayaklar\u0131
kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelenin de kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 rahatl\u0131kla s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Cinsiyet\u00e7ilik kadar
milliyet\u00e7ilik, dincilik, mezhep\u00e7ilik, fa\u015fizm, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, s\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, militarizm vb. b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumu k\u0131skac\u0131 alt\u0131nda
esir alan ve kontrol eden kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 ideolojilerdir. Bu iktidar ideolojilere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin
\u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck g\u00f6revini ancak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck zihniyeti ile donanm\u0131\u015f kad\u0131n hareketi \u00fcstlenebilir. Ancak bunun i\u00e7in
kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin kendini antifa\u015fist, anti-iktidar, anti-devlet, anti-kolonyal, anti-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, anti-milliyet\u00e7i,
antimilitarist olarak isimlendirmesi yeterli gelmiyor. Kad\u0131nlar olarak iktidarc\u0131 erkek egemen zihniyetin
b\u00fct\u00fcn bu ifadeleri ile aktif m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmeliyiz. Bu olmadan toplumun \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn
olmayacakt\u0131r.
Kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kendini g\u00f6steren tarihsel f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmek, yine
ataerkil sistemin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumak ad\u0131na yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcslemek i\u00e7in k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta
m\u00fccadelemizi her a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc hale getirmemiz \u015fartt\u0131r. Egemen sistem b\u00fct\u00fcnseldir; \u00f6yleyse ancak
par\u00e7al\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kopuklu\u011fu a\u015fm\u0131\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi taraf\u0131ndan a\u015f\u0131labilir. Bunun
i\u00e7in her \u015feyden \u00f6nce ortak m\u00fccadeleyi b\u00fcy\u00fctmeli, g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc birle\u015ftirmeliyiz. Bu, \u00e7ok\u00e7a dile
getirdi\u011fimiz bir husustur. Ki \u00e7ok say\u0131da uluslararas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel\/k\u0131tasal kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fct, federasyon, ittifak
vb. kurulu\u015f bu ama\u00e7la kurulmu\u015ftur. Yine \u00fclkeler i\u00e7inde ve yerellerde \u00e7e\u015fitli platformlar, a\u011flar, forumlar
yoluyla kad\u0131n dernek ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeler m\u00fccadelelerini ortakla\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.
Ancak bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlemelerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczeyi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ko\u015ful ve ihtiya\u00e7lara vurdu\u011fumuzda eksik
kald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bunun ku\u015fkusuz birden fazla sebebi vard\u0131r ancak bizce temel sorun, k\u00fcresel
kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin yeterince mevcut egemen sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kamam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, yani
kendi demokratik sistemini hen\u00fcz \u00f6rg\u00fctlememi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Egemen sistemin i\u00e7inde, onun ara\u00e7 ve
y\u00f6ntemlerine dayal\u0131 olarak, onun belirledi\u011fi maddi ve manevi s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7erisinde alternatif
geli\u015ftirilemez. Kendi m\u00fccadele deneyimlerimizden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z temel sonu\u00e7lardan biri de, radikal
kopu\u015f olmadan \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam ve m\u00fccadele alanlar\u0131n\u0131n in\u015fa edilemeyece\u011fidir. Yine Rojava
devriminden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z temel bir sonu\u00e7, direni\u015f ile in\u015fan\u0131n i\u00e7 i\u00e7e y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi gerekti\u011fi,
s\u00f6ylemlerimizi pratikle\u015ftirdi\u011fimiz oranda de\u011fi\u015fim yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ger\u00e7e\u011fidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan
gerekli olan, ad\u0131m ad\u0131m ataerkil sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck alanlar\u0131n\u0131 demokratik tarzda in\u015fa etmek
ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck ile ortak m\u00fccadele etmektir. K\u00fcresel ataerkil-kapitalist sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kendi
sistemimizi kurmak, b\u00f6ylece devlet ve kapitalist modernite sisteminin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde
\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmektir.
Kad\u0131nlar olarak demokratik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ve sistemi aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirirken, Demokratik
Konfederalizmin bu ihtiyac\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layabilece\u011fine, hatta en uygun model oldu\u011funa inan\u0131yoruz.
Demokratik Konfederalizm kuram\u0131 \u00d6nder Apo taraf\u0131ndan \u0130mral\u0131 tecrit ve esaret ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda
geli\u015ftirildi. Ba\u015fta K\u00fcrtler olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131na, hatta d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda
topluluklara model olarak \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Demokratik Konfederalizm, yerellerin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dayanan
toplumsal ve siyasal bir \u00f6z y\u00f6netim sistemidir. Kapitalist modernitenin ulus-devlet eliyle y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc
monolitik, homojen, tek renkli fa\u015fist toplum modelinden kaynaklanan sorunlara kar\u015f\u0131 temel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm
arac\u0131 olarak demokratik ulus se\u00e7ene\u011fini sunar. Demokratik ulusta her etnisite, dinsel anlay\u0131\u015f, kent,
yerel, b\u00f6lgesel ve ulusal ger\u00e7eklik kendi \u00f6z kimli\u011fiyle ve demokratik federe yap\u0131s\u0131yla yer alma hakk\u0131na
sahiptir. Demokratik Konfederalizm referans\u0131n\u0131 klan sisteminden ve a\u015firet konfederasyonlar\u0131n
g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar uygarl\u0131k tarihi boyunca devlet\u00e7i toplum merkezile\u015fmesine girmek istemeyen do\u011fal
toplumun demokratik kom\u00fcnal yap\u0131s\u0131ndan al\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze \u00f6zg\u00fc bir y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imi olmay\u0131p
tarihte olunca a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yer bulan bir sistemdir.
Demokratik Konfederalizm merkezi bir \u00e7at\u0131 sistemi de\u011fildir. Demokratik \u00f6zerkli\u011fe, yani b\u00fcnyesindeki
her birimin \u00f6zerk olmakla birlikte kendini b\u00fct\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 sorumlu g\u00f6rmesi, dayanan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir a\u011fla\u015fma
modelidir. \u00c7ok say\u0131da kendili\u011fin daha geni\u015f bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir a\u011fd\u0131r. Demokratik
Konfederalizm ayn\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmaz, yeni hiyerar\u015filer ve iktidar ili\u015fkileri ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaz. Bundan ziyade
\u00e7oklu, esnek ama \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ortakl\u0131klar olu\u015fturur. Konu odakl\u0131, ortak paydalar etraf\u0131nda m\u00fccadeleler
aras\u0131nda ba\u011flar olu\u015fturur, bir nevi halkalar\u0131 birle\u015ftiren zinciri olu\u015fturur. Bu halkalar ayn\u0131 renk veya
b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckte olmaz. Hatta \u015fekilleri de ayn\u0131 olmaz. Baz\u0131 halkalar\u0131n i\u00e7inden birden fazla zincir ge\u00e7er. Baz\u0131
zincirler k\u0131sa, baz\u0131lar\u0131 uzun olur.
Demokratik Konfederalizm hem anlay\u0131\u015f hem de sistem olarak k\u00fcresel kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesine
uyarland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, acil ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz ortak m\u00fccadeleyi \u00f6rg\u00fctleme ve erkek egemen sisteme kar\u015f\u0131
b\u00fcy\u00fck kad\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturma zeminini sunabilir. Biz devrim yapmak \u00fczere, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck
\u00e7a\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele saflar\u0131na akan kad\u0131nlar\u0131z. Hedefimiz bu kadar nettir. Kad\u0131n
devrimini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye geldik. Devrim \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadele ve g\u00fc\u00e7le olu\u015fabilir. Bunun i\u00e7inse D\u00fcnya
Demokratik Kad\u0131n Konfederalizmi diyoruz!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n k\u00fcresel devrim ittifak\u0131n\u0131 kurmak i\u00e7in!<\/strong> DDKK, demokratik kad\u0131n ittifaklar\u0131na
dayan\u0131r. Burada ittifakla\u015fmadan kastedilen \u015fey, geni\u015f m\u00fccadele birliklerinin in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r. Taktik
de\u011fil stratejik anlam ta\u015f\u0131yan, yani \u00e7\u0131kar de\u011fil ama\u00e7 eksenli geli\u015ftirilen bu m\u00fccadele birlikleri
kendi i\u00e7lerinde konfederal olduklar\u0131 gibi, aralar\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki de demokratik konfederal karakterde
olabilir, olmal\u0131. Yani Demokratik Konfederalizm do\u011frultusunda olu\u015fan ve aralar\u0131nda \u00e7oklu
ba\u011flar olu\u015fturan demokratik kad\u0131n ittifaklar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z ediyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bir sisteme kavu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in!<\/strong> DDKK, ataerkil sistem ve zihniyetine
kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve e\u015fitlik m\u00fccadelesini daha sistematik, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc, programatik ve stratejik
bir d\u00fczeye ta\u015f\u0131yan, \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckleri bast\u0131rmadan ortakla\u015ft\u0131ran, pratik ve teorik deneyimleri bir
havuzda bulu\u015fturan, kolektif m\u00fccadele perspektifleri geli\u015ftiren, birlikten g\u00fc\u00e7 do\u011far esprisi
do\u011frultusunda birbirini kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ve birlikte g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren, enerjiden sinerji yaratan, dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131
b\u00fcy\u00fcten ve ortak m\u00fccadeleye y\u00fckselten bir d\u00fczey yaratabilen bir sistemdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131n perspektifli enternasyonalizmi geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in!<\/strong> DDKK, yerel-evrensel diyalekti\u011fini
b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131yan, yerellikleri bozmadan ve onlar\u0131n renklerini silmeden veya silikle\u015ftirmeden
ortakl\u0131klar\/\u00e7okluklar in\u015fa edebilecek ve kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesini k\u00fcresel bir hareket
formuna kavu\u015fturabilecek bir modeldir. Yan yana veya paralel de\u011fil, birlikte m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in
gerekli olan hem yatay hem dikey \u00e7oklu ili\u015fki, temas ve ba\u011flara dayal\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli
ve zihniyetidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n demokratik ili\u015fki ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma sistemini yaratmak i\u00e7in! <\/strong>DDKK, b\u00fcrokrasi ve
hiyerar\u015fiye dayanmay\u0131p iktidar ili\u015fkiler yaratmayan ve yeniden \u00fcretmeyen bir demokratik ili\u015fki
sistemidir. Merkeziyet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 olup kad\u0131nlar\u0131n demokratik \u00f6z y\u00f6netimine dayan\u0131r. Bununla
birlikte DDKK demek, d\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ncelikle temel sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 birlikte tart\u0131\u015f\u0131p \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm
yollar\u0131 geli\u015ftirmesi, bu do\u011frultuda ortak kararlar almas\u0131 ve bu kararlar\u0131 birlikte pratikle\u015ftirmesi
demektir. Yani ortak m\u00fccadelenin temelinde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hem d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel hem de pratik boyutta
kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kolektif \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p uygulamak var. Bunun \u00fczerinden k\u00fcresel
d\u00fczeyde bir \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck sa\u011flanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck bilincini y\u00fckseltmek i\u00e7in!<\/strong> DDKK sisteminin temel ayaklar\u0131ndan biri de
demokratik ve kolektif kad\u0131n e\u011fitimidir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ancak \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.
\u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ise temel bir olu\u015fum zemini akademidir. Kad\u0131nlar olarak binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k ya\u015fam,
m\u00fccadele ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleme deneyimlerimizin sakl\u0131 oldu\u011fu bir kolektif haf\u0131za var tarihten bug\u00fcne
s\u00fcz\u00fcl\u00fcp gelen. Bu haf\u0131zay\u0131 hep birlikte a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmak ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz m\u00fccadelenin beslenece\u011fi
kaynak haline getirmek i\u00e7in bilin\u00e7 olu\u015fturma \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n yo\u011funluklu bir \u015fekilde geli\u015ftirilmesi
kad\u0131n devrimi hedefi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda elzemdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6z savunmas\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in! <\/strong>Kad\u0131nlar olarak g\u00fcnl\u00fck d\u00fczeyde erkek egemen
sistemin \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kal\u0131yoruz. Bununla birlikte \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelemiz
sonucu elde etti\u011fimiz kazan\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131 da b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131 y\u00fckseltiliyor. DDKK,
ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z savunma g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc in\u015fa etti\u011fi bir sistemdir. \u00d6z savunma
derken salt fiziki veya silaha dayal\u0131 savunmadan bahsetmiyoruz. Kad\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, iradesinin,
de\u011ferlerinin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin ve umutlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda, siyasetten hukuka,
ekonomiden toplumsal ya\u015fama, evden soka\u011fa, sa\u011fl\u0131ktan e\u011fitime kadar her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ayr\u0131mc\u0131,
cinsiyet\u00e7i ve kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 savunulmas\u0131 \u015fartt\u0131r!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131n devrimi i\u00e7in sistem in\u015fam\u0131z\u0131 ba\u015flatal\u0131m!<\/strong>
Bu belgede \u00f6zetlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tarihsel moment ve bunun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kad\u0131n m\u00fccadeleleri olarak
ittifakla\u015fma ihtiyac\u0131 salt bizim taraf\u0131m\u0131zdan de\u011fil, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok b\u00f6lgesinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen kad\u0131n
hareketleri taraf\u0131ndan ifade ediliyor. \u00d6zellikle son birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda bu y\u00f6nde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli tart\u0131\u015fmalar
y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc, de\u011ferli bir birikim ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bizler de K\u00fcrdistan Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi olarak ideolojik,
\u00f6rg\u00fctsel ve toplumsal alanda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z deneyimlerden s\u00fcz\u00fclen bir model ve sistem olarak D\u00fcnya
Demokratik Kad\u0131n Konfederalizmin bu ihtiyac\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layabilece\u011fine inand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in \u00f6nermemizi
payla\u015fmak istiyoruz. Ancak meram\u0131m\u0131z salt \u00f6nermemizin payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil; d\u00fcnyadaki \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kad\u0131n
hareketleri olarak ortak m\u00fccadele ara\u00e7 ve y\u00f6ntemleri, yani sistemi konulu yeni bir kolektif tart\u0131\u015fma
s\u00fcrecine girmemiz gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131yoruz. Tart\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z ve b\u00f6ylece netle\u015ftirmemiz gereken \u00e7ok fazla
husus var: Kad\u0131n hareketleri aras\u0131ndaki kopuklu\u011fu ve par\u00e7al\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 nas\u0131l a\u015fabiliriz? Etkili ve i\u015flevli kad\u0131n
birliklerini nas\u0131l geli\u015ftirebiliriz? Kad\u0131n dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve ortak m\u00fccadeleyi nas\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fctebiliriz? Ulus
\u00f6tesi kad\u0131n hareketini nas\u0131l \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc k\u0131labiliriz? K\u00fcrdistan Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi olarak D\u00fcnya
Demokratik Kad\u0131n Konfederalizmini bu ba\u011flamda sizlerle, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131ndaki kad\u0131n
yolda\u015flar\u0131m\u0131zla, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kad\u0131n yap\u0131lar\u0131 ve hareketlerle payla\u015fmak, tart\u0131\u015fmak ve birlikte in\u015fa etmek
istiyoruz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc inan\u0131yoruz ki d\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131 olarak ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc ancak hep birlikte,
kad\u0131n kolektivizmi temelinde, bulup geli\u015ftirebiliriz. \u00d6yleyse y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kad\u0131n devrim \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na
d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in demokratik sistem in\u015fam\u0131z\u0131 hep birlikte ba\u015flatal\u0131m!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Komal\u00ean Jin\u00ean Kurdistan (KJK)<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

D\u00fcnya Demokratik Kad\u0131n KonfederalizmiTarihsel bir s\u00fcrecin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7mekteyiz. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 tarihsel k\u0131lan, i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fimpotansiyelidir. Ya\u015fam\u0131n bir\u00e7ok alan\u0131nda, toplumdan siyasete, ekonomiden ekolojiye kadar ciddi alt\u00fcstolu\u015flar s\u00f6z konusudur. Hareketlili\u011fin oldu\u011fu yerde de\u011fi\u015fim de meydana gelir. Fakat bu de\u011fi\u015fiminkimden yana olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Kapitalist Modernite\u2019nin mi Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin mi bu s\u00fcre\u00e7teng\u00fc\u00e7lenerek \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyecek olan kad\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi ve ekolojim\u00fccadelesi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":972,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[13,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-971","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aciklamalar","category-haberler"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n21.Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 Kad\u0131n Devrim \u00c7a\u011f\u0131na D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek \u0130\u00e7in \u00d6nermemiz; - KJK T\u00fcrk\u00e7e<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.kjkonline.net\/tr\/nivis\/971\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"21.Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 Kad\u0131n Devrim \u00c7a\u011f\u0131na D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek \u0130\u00e7in \u00d6nermemiz; - KJK T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"D\u00fcnya Demokratik Kad\u0131n KonfederalizmiTarihsel bir s\u00fcrecin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7mekteyiz. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 tarihsel k\u0131lan, i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fimpotansiyelidir. Ya\u015fam\u0131n bir\u00e7ok alan\u0131nda, toplumdan siyasete, ekonomiden ekolojiye kadar ciddi alt\u00fcstolu\u015flar s\u00f6z konusudur. Hareketlili\u011fin oldu\u011fu yerde de\u011fi\u015fim de meydana gelir. 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